“Norwegian Special Envoy Erik Solheim has returned to Sri Lanka ‘empty-handed,’ Dhanapala said, with no fresh initiative to offer from the Tigers. (Note: Solheim arrived in Sri Lanka September 14 and will depart o/a September 17. End note.) According to Dhanapala, Solheim has urged the GSL to take a ‘bold step’–which Dhanapala interpreted to mean accept the Tigers’ controversial proposal for an interim administration as a basis for resumed negotiations–but could not offer the GSL any reciprocal assurance that such a ‘bold step,’ if offered, would be accepted by the LTTE. Without some kind of assurance of how the LTTE would react, the ‘bold step’ urged by Solheim would be nothing but ‘a leap in the dark,’ Dhanapala said, adding that he was ‘puzzled’ that the Norwegians seemed to expect the GSL to take that political risk. He expressed little confidence that Solheim would make an effort to impress upon his LTTE interlocutors the Government’s political constraints.” the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.
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A Leaked ‘Confidential’ US diplomatic cable, dated September 15, 2004, updated the Secretary of State regarding and a meeting Ambassador Jeffrey J. Lunstead had with the President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Peace Secretariat head Jayantha Dhanapala . The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The cable is signed by the US Ambassador to Colombo Jeffrey J. Lunstead.
The ambassador wrote; “Because the GSL is the more rational party, the Ambassador said, it unfairly receives more pressure from other actors to be flexible and offer compromises. In addition, the aid given by other governments and mulitlateral organizations gives them the opportunity to apply pressure on the GSL, he noted. The LTTE, on the other hand, seems generally unresponsive to such pressure, readily subordinating incentives like socio-economic development for its purported constituents to political issues. How can donor governments help provide positive incentives for the LTTE to accept negotiations? the Ambassador asked. The GSL has already undertaken some confidence-building measures–for example, the President’s announcement that she is willing to include the controversial ‘interim arrangement’ on a possible agenda for negotiations–and could do more, like increase patrolling in the East to reduce factional violence, Dhanapala responded. The LTTE, however, might respond best to pressure from the expatriate Tamil community, which finances, either voluntarily or involuntarily, much of its operations, he asserted, adding that he believes pressure from the Tamil diaspora helped persuade the LTTE to accept a ceasefire. He urged the USG to expand contact with the Tamil diaspora in the U.S. to this end.”
“Dhanapala agreed that the split between Karuna, the Tigers’ former Eastern military commander, and LTTE headquarters appears to have ‘faded as an issue.’ The Tigers remain concerned, however, about their grip on the East, he suggested. The situation in the northeastern district of Trincomalee is ‘very worrisome,’ Dhanapala reported, where extensive LTTE bunkers could put Tiger artillery within reach of ships approaching the harbor. The LTTE’s ‘lock on security’ in Trincomalee infringes on the GSL’s responsibilities under the international law of the sea to safeguard shipping in those waters, he asserted. The Indian government has already raised these concerns to the Nordic-sponsored Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), he reported and suggested that the U.S. Embassy’s Defense Attache might raise it as well. The LTTE’s demand that the GSL swap LTTE detainees for two Sinhalese home guards the Tigers abducted in Trincomalee on August 18 has also increased tensions. Both the Government and SLMM have ruled out any such trade, he stated. In the north, the situation is Nagarkovil is ‘very, very tense.’ (Note: The GSL has accused the LTTE of expanding its forward defense line (FDL) in Nagarkovil, which is approximately 40 km north of Jaffna town. End note.) To make matters worse, the SLMM’s proposal for addressing this situation is ‘not even-handed,’ he complained; it recommended that both parties move back even though the GSL has not expanded its FDL.” the ambassador further wrote.
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